In recent decades, South Korea experienced rapid social and economic transformations, emerging as a global player in various sectors and attracting people from all over the world. As the economy of South Korea grows, people from other countries, especially from East Asia, are increasingly attracted to the country as a means to pursue a better life. As migrational flow increases, the mindsets of people also change, creating increasing discussion on how to better manage immigration flows, what can be done for immigrants’ adaptation and increase their quality of life, and how they can contribute to the local community. Another question is whether a country should adopt a multicultural mindset and create policies to decrease discrimination. Population changes intertwine with other social trends that can be seen in South Korea, such as low birth rate, shortage of labor, and economic and political fluctuations. Moreover, the public view of immigrants has been shaped by historical background and cultural prejudices, leading to conflicting opinions on the topic. It is important to investigate how attitudes towards foreigners changed, what influenced it, and what place multiculturalism takes in modern narratives about the social structure of society and attitudes toward foreigners. To do that, this article will begin by looking at the concept of multiculturalism and the sociocultural background of South Korea in relation to immigration. Then, it will consider the conditions of acceptance of foreigners as part of the community and what role the government plays in shaping the multicultural narrative.

To begin, it is important to explore the concept of multiculturalism. The roots of this concept can be traced to civil rights movements in the 1960s and mass migration following the Second World War (Gorski, 1999). After the war, labour recruitment and mass migration led to increased diversity in many countries in Europe and the United States. As migration developed and civil rights movements challenged the status quo on a structural level, ideas of inclusivity and acceptance also developed, expanding multiculturalism as part of immigration policies. As a political and social concept, multiculturalism advocates for equal recognition and peaceful coexistence of different cultural, ethnic, and religious groups without assimilation or absorption of one group by another (Shorten, 2022). This includes recognizing another culture and its differences with other cultures, celebrating diversity, and addressing the marginalization of cultural groups due to structural discrimination. However, multiculturalism can also be used as a discourse and political tool. For example, governments can use multicultural narratives that portray immigration as morally good as a geopolitical tactic to improve their image in the global arena and to deepen relationships with countries of immigrant origins (Lan, 2023, p. 426). Such narratives can benefit one party but do not always lead to the improvement of inclusivity and life conditions of immigrants.

How does multiculturalism manifest in the East Asian region and South Korea more specifically? Since the mid-2000s, East Asia has witnessed an explosion of multiculturalist narratives (N. H.-J. Kim, 2015). In addition to labor migration to access better payment or working conditions, cross-border marriages and marriage immigration today are also common in East Asia (Lan, 2023). Marital immigration allows women to experience vertical mobility while alleviating social problems in receiving countries such as low birth rates and labor shortages. Several million women from Mainland China and Southeast Asian countries immigrated through marriage to Taiwan, Singapore, Japan, and South Korea (Constable, 2010). Their children are born in multicultural families and face either celebration of their mixed ethnicity or alienation from society. It is important to note that the concept of multiculturalism has been primarily developed and studied in Western contexts, where historical and social conditions differ significantly from those in East Asia. As a result, the process of immigrant acceptance in South Korea follows a distinct trajectory shaped by the country’s specific social, economic, and cultural factors. The following sections will examine the case of South Korea, exploring its unique conditions for immigrant integration within local communities. 

South Korea is an ethnically, culturally, and linguistically homogeneous society that takes pride in its homogeneous identity (J. Kim & So, 2018). The main factors contributing to the development of nationalistic ideas in South Korea emerged as reactions to Japanese colonialism and economic development policies during the presidency of Park Chung-hee from 1963 to 1979 (Hong & Halvorsen, 2014, p. 255). Fear of outsiders was both a part of the colonial experience and a reaction to it. In the post-colonial period, intense industrialization, rapid economic growth, and the so-called Miracle on the Han River contributed to the rise of South Korean nationalism that was actively promoted among the general population. However, by the 2000s, South Korea’s economic progress had led to new challenges, particularly a labor shortage in low-skilled sectors such as factory work, restaurant service, and cleaning. One of the most significant immigration trends during this period was the increase in foreign brides. Due to a shortage of marriageable women in rural areas, South Korea saw a growing influx of women from other East Asian countries seeking better economic opportunities through marriage (Lim, 2010). This has led to an increasing trend of multiethnic students in schools, which has been increasing by around 6000 every year (Ministry of Education, 2015). Considering that the birth rate in South Korea is decreasing each year, international marriage may offer a solution to this social problem (Chae, 2021). 

While international marriage has been considered a potential solution to South Korea’s demographic challenge, public attitudes toward multicultural families and foreign spouses can pose challenges to such policies (Chae, 2021).. According to Yoon et al. (2008) in their study “South Koreans’ Attitudes toward Foreigners, Minorities, and Multiculturalism”, South Korea is gradually entering a multicultural stage, with multicultural values beginning to shape national identity. While earlier attitudes toward foreigners were often influenced by racial and ethnic considerations, there has been a notable shift toward a more civic-based understanding of national belonging. Increasingly, South Koreans are accepting individuals as “Korean citizens” not based on ethnicity but on their ability to integrate into society (Ibid., p. 7). This includes following social norms, speaking the Korean language, and demonstrating respect for local traditions. However, this shift does not mean that discrimination has dissipated and integration into South Korean society remains complex.

In South Korea, multicultural marriages were supported by the government through the provision of special visas and insurance (Piao, 2017). Ethnic Korean women from China were especially encouraged to immigrate and marry Koreans. However, the political, social, and economic status of foreign brides in Korean society is highly dependent on their spouses. Foreign bride visas are highly discriminated against, with lower job opportunities and vulnerable legal status (Park, 2014, p. 1576). Moreover, foreign wives are more susceptible to domestic abuse (Hyunju, 2019). Due to a lack of social ties, language barriers, weak visa statuses, and the fear of losing custody of their children, they can not easily leave abusive relationships. Considering that they usually come from other countries to South Korea for better life conditions, economically speaking, they are also highly dependent on their husband. Despite research suggesting that racial factors are getting less important and Korea is becoming more tolerant, acceptance of immigrant spouses remains a complex and nuanced issue. For example, Chinese foreign brides were supported more if they had Korean roots to keep the “blood purity” (Lim, 2010, p. 66). They are also expected to fully adopt Korean traditions and become traditional good Korean wives, adhering to Confucian rules and obeying their husbands. This tendency can be seen in a popular Korean TV show, Love in Asia, where mixed-race families are portrayed as successful when they live according to Korean traditions and speak Korean (Campbell, 2016, p. 169). Their uniqueness of non-Korean culture is not celebrated, but immigrants are expected to fully blend into society and leave only the parts of their identity that do not contradict Korean culture.

As mentioned earlier, an increase in multicultural marriages and families led to an increase in multiethnic children. In response to this increase, the government has established international schools where English is the medium of instruction and students from different cultural backgrounds can attend. Since knowing the English language brings a sense of status in South Korea, attending such schools for children from ethnically Korean families is considered desirable. For instance, recently there has been an increase in the number of cases when Korean citizens gave up on their citizenship only for their children to get a place in an international school (Choi, 2024). Although creating such facilities in theory is supposed to create a multicultural community accepting of cultural differences and celebrating diversity, in reality, some policies aiming to support mixed children have led to an increase in discrimination. Mixed children experience bullying by other children and their parents and are perceived to be privileged (Park, 2014). The anger comes from the highly competitive characteristic of Korean society where any kind of special treatment is considered unfair. Thus, to become a member of Korean society one must go through the same hardships as everyone else.

Nonetheless, cases of foreigners being accepted by Korean society also exist. In 1995, Nepalese workers had a sit-in protest for better working conditions at Myeongdong Cathedral in Seoul, a significant place of regular peaceful protests. They made only a few public statements, including “We may be from a poor country… but we have our basic human rights as well”. Not only did they highlight their position as victims of the situation through statements, but they also created a narrative of “the people that are oppressed by the system” (Lim, 2010, p. 56). These narratives resembled the ideas of the Korean labor rights (minjung) movement, one of the bases of Korean identity and represented notions of constant national struggle. The protests of these foreign workers were successful, finding sympathy from local Korean people who saw their protest as part of a bigger minjung movement. Since then, working conditions for foreigners and the status of both documented and undocumented workers have improved from legal and institutional perspectives. This example shows how foreigners can gain agency and independence and be integrated into Korean society through their shared struggles, and relation between Korean historical memory and identity and processes of acceptance. 

Multiculturalism is considered to contribute to shaping society and identity in many countries. South Korea stands at the crossroads of globalization and its long history of being deeply integrated into society’s traditions and nationalism. While economic needs, such as labor shortages and a declining birthrate, make immigration a potential solution to addressing those problems, acceptance of foreigners by the local Korean community remains conditional and is often rooted in assimilation rather than the celebration of diversity. The experiences of foreign wives and multiethnic children highlight the challenges of integration. Despite positive initiatives of the government such as visas, special status, and international schools, societal expectations often demand immigrants to conform to Korean cultural norms and accept the highly competitive characteristics of Korean society, sidelining their own identities. This conditional acceptance highlights the limitations of multiculturalism in South Korea, where inclusivity interacts with a person’s ability to blend into ethnically mono-national identity rather than coexist as peers in a diverse community. On one hand, children from mixed families often deal with bullying or resentment, especially in South Korea’s competitive society, where any perceived advantage can create prejudice and resentment. On the other hand, the case of Nepalese workers’ protests shows how immigrants can create narratives that can be understood by the local community and generate sympathy. The protests’ connections with the Korean labor rights movement created solidarity and helped the Nepalese workers to achieve better working and legal conditions. 

However, to fully accept diversity, South Korea must go beyond empty regulations and confront systemic concerns such as prejudice, cultural fetishism, and unequal power relations. True multiculturalism necessitates not just the acceptance of foreigners but also the recognition of their distinctive contributions to society. By doing so, South Korea can become a more inclusive country, better suited to succeed in an increasingly interconnected globe.

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